Hungary’s voters backed Viktor Orbán’s rightwing Fidesz party for a third consecutive term in the parliamentary election on April 8 on the back of record turnout, which delayed the closure of some polling stations and the announcement of results.
Fidesz won a two-third supermajority on almost 49 per cent of the vote, ahead of Jobbik, the far-right party that shifted towards the centre on 19 per cent. The Socialists secured 12 per cent. Fidesz’s total vote rose from 2.2m in 2014 to 2.5m this time. Turnout was 68 per cent. The opposition was disadvantaged, because of the ruling party’s dominance of public media, but it also struggled to put aside its differences, having its vote split between half a dozen parties. The results were not unexpected.
A supermajority in the 199-seat parliament will allow Fidesz to change the constitution at will and extend its control over institutions such as the judiciary. A big victory in the election also strengthens what Mr Orbán calls an “illiberal democracy”, or winner-take-all politics. Fidesz has said that the strong economy, which grows at around 4 per cent, is evidence that the system works for the benefits of the people.
Fidesz focused the campaign on the supposed threat of mass Muslim immigration and an alleged plot by George Soros, the Hungarian-born American financier, to flood Europe with migrants from Africa and the Middle East that would bring more terrorism and other crime to the continent (the government has built a fence along the country’s southern border to keep out migrants).
Mr Orbán portrays himself as the defender of Christian Europe. He wants to push through Russian-style laws targeting civil society groups that help migrants, dubbed “Stop Soros”. These would require NGOs dealing with migration to obtain a government licence and pay a 25 per cent tax on foreign donations. His anti-immigrant campaign message has made him a role model for nationalist, anti-establishment parties across Europe.
Mr Orbán has been criticised for undermining democratic checks and balances and bringing much of the media under its control. Fidesz, however, is a member of the European People’s Party, the dominant centre-right grouping in the European Parliament that provides Hungary with political support.
Mr Orbán has been accused of cronyism and corruption, allowing well-connected oligarchs to take over much of the economy. Since his last election victory in 2014, Hungary slipped to 66th place in Transparency International’s annual survey of perceived corruption from 48th.
Mr Orbán has strongly criticised the European Union, portraying Brussels officials as meddling bureaucrats who are a threat to Hungary’s sovereignty. With a strong political mandate at home – and with sympathetic governments in Poland, Austria and possibly in Italy (the far-right League party is likely to join the government) – he may stiffen the resolve of his new government to oppose the EU’s migration policy and strengthen resistance against France and Germany, which are seeking to deepen EU integration.
Fidesz’s election success was welcomed by populist parties across Europe such as Marine Le Pen’s Front National in France and Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom in the Netherlands. Jaroslaw Kaczynski, leader of Poland’s governing conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party, has openly emulated Mr Orbán’s tactics. The Polish government is being investigated by the European Commission for undermining the rule of law, but EU efforts to censure Warsaw are likely to fail because sanctions require unanimity from EU member states and Hungary will protect Poland.
